Part-time lecturers who worked at Africa Nazarene University in 2019 are facing a frustrating situation as they await payment for their services.
Unpaid Part-Timers at Africa Nazarene Cry Foul Over 2019 Wages
Despite the university’s contract stipulations that payments should be made after final grades are submitted many part-timers have not been compensated for the last two trimesters of 2019.
The university’s administration, including Mr. Charles Ngema, the Ag. Director of Human Resources, has not responded to repeated emails from affected lecturers.
The payment delay is causing much distress among part-timers who have now been waiting for more than five years.
The issue has worsened with the closure of the university’s Nairobi campus.
“We have been left in the lurch for years. Our emails are ignored. We feel completely abandoned by the university,” one lecturer, who wished to remain anonymous said.
Affected lecturers are calling on the Ministry of Education to take immediate action and resolve the matter.
We at Cnyakundi.com will be closely following this issue and will report new information as it becomes available
In a jaw-dropping display of what appears to be blatant misuse of taxpayer money, Isiolo Speaker Mohamed Roba reportedly donated Ksh 1 million during a recent clan gathering in Kina Ward.
Isiolo Speaker Mohamed Roba
The generous handout described as a “thank you” to local kingpins has sparked outrage and allegations of financial impropriety as citizens and local leaders are demanding answers as it seems evident that public funds may have been diverted for personal or clan purposes.
The incident was captured in a viral TikTok video.
Hon. Mohamed Roba now finds himself under the spotlight as key agencies are being urged to step in and get to the bottom of this issue.
The Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) is at the forefront of the call for action, alongside the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), and the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) act swiftly to uncover the origins of the KSh 1 million and determine whether it was diverted from its rightful public use.
The implications of this scandal could be far-reaching, impacting public trust in elected officials and the management of taxpayer money.
We at cnyakundi.com will be vigilantly following this story and provide updates as the situation develops.
It is commonplace that Kenya Airways (KQ) is grappling with considerable financial difficulties, having recorded a substantial deficit of Ksh 38.26 billion in the latest fiscal year.
Despite numerous strategic shifts, leadership changes and various restructuring efforts, the airline’s financial woes persist.
Over the past decade, Kenya Airways has accumulated a total loss of Khs 172.68 billion even with major state bailouts.
A comprehensive revival proposal offers promising path forward for Kenya Airways
Amidst these ongoing difficulties, a new initiative has emerged aimed at revitalizing the airline.
A group of pilots has submitted a comprehensive proposal to the Ministry of Transport, detailing a strategy for Kenya Airways revival.
The proposal authored by Mwenda Mabura, leverages Kenya’s key economic drivers and is being offered freely to benefit the people of Kenya.
This plan seeks to address the airline’s deep-seated issues and provide a sustainable path forward for the national carrier.
The proposal by Mwenda Mabura outlines a multi-faceted strategy aimed at revitalizing Kenya Airways (KQ) which has been grappling with consecutive losses for ten years, culminating in a record Ksh 38.26 billion loss for the most recent fiscal year.
The airline’s financial woes have been exacerbated by a history of frequent CEO changes, operational inefficiencies, and challenges in maintaining compliance with international standards, as noted in a 2022 audit by the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA).
Meanwhile, regional competitor Ethiopian Airlines is expanding aggressively and planning to double its destinations and significantly increase its fleet.
The proposed recovery plan notes the urgent need for revamped governance at Kenya Airways.
The current board which includes members with backgrounds in fields unrelated to aviation lacks the necessary expertise.
It is suggested that the board be composed of aviation professionals and relevant stakeholders to effectively drive the airline’s recovery.
Operational inefficiencies have also plagued Kenya Airways, including poor personnel decisions, ineffective outsourcing, and suboptimal routing strategies.
Criticism has also been directed at inadequate customer service, with closed sales offices and understaffed call centers.
The recovery plan proposes a shift in governance and organizational structure.
This includes establishing a board of aviation experts and relevant stakeholders, creating a results-oriented organizational structure, and streamlining operations.
The proposed structure draws inspiration from successful global airlines, such as American Airlines, which has implemented a governance model focused on aviation expertise and stakeholder representation.
The plan also suggests a strategic overhaul of KQ’s fleet, recommending the consolidation of aircraft to reduce costs associated with leasing, maintenance, and training.
The strategy includes using Boeing 737-8 for domestic and regional routes, Boeing 787 series for international destinations, and Boeing 777X for ultra-long-range flights.
A focus on expanding the cargo fleet is also proposed, with the gradual conversion of aging aircraft to cargo-only operations.
The proposed recovery strategy aims to address both governance and operational inefficiencies, seeking to reposition Kenya Airways for future growth and stability.
This plan insists on the importance of targeted leadership and management, operational efficiency and fleet optimization to restore the airline’s financial health and competitive edge in the industry.
Challenges Identified
Leadership and Governance Issues: The current board lacks aviation expertise and stakeholder representation, leading to mismanagement and strategic errors. Operational Inefficiencies: Poor decision-making regarding critical personnel, ineffective service outsourcing, and irrational aircraft routing. Customer Service Deficiencies: Closure of sales offices and understaffed, ineffective call centers.
Proposed Recovery Strategy
Revamped Governance: Establish a new board with aviation professionals and key stakeholders rather than just investors. The board should include representatives from various sectors such as aviation, horticulture, tourism, and finance.
Example from American Airlines: The proposal draws inspiration from global best practices, underlining the expertise of board members at American Airlines, such as those with backgrounds in aeronautical engineering, aviation maintenance, and transport infrastructure.
Results-Oriented Organizational Structure: Revamp the organizational structure to focus on Kenya Airways’ core functions and revenue generation. The current structure resembles a banking model, which is not well-suited to the airline’s operational needs.
New Structure: Introduce a more streamlined organizational model with specific roles for managing flight operations, cargo, sales, and marketing. This will also include setting up a Boeing 787 simulator and other training facilities to enhance operational efficiency.
Operational Efficiency: Align procurement processes with industry standards to reduce costs. Implement more objective decision-making criteria to balance competition, transparency, and integrity.
Fleet Reorganization: Standardize the fleet to reduce lease rates, spare parts costs, and training expenses. For example, use Boeing 737-8 for domestic and regional flights, and Boeing 787 series for international routes. Transition some aging aircraft to cargo use to build the cargo fleet cost-effectively.
New Revenue Streams: Develop a regional and international cargo hub using a hub-and-spoke logistics model. Set up a “Drop and Ship” portal for diaspora packages to eliminate intermediaries and boost revenue.
Collaborations: Partner with private investors and technical universities to enhance revenue generation and job creation.
Direct Jobs: Create employment opportunities in various roles including pilots, cabin crew, and engineers.
Indirect Jobs: Generate additional jobs in related sectors such as transport, agriculture, and retail.
Kilifi Governor Gideon Mung’aro continues to grapple with the fallout from a Ksh 300 million tender fraud that he believed had been handled by his trusted aides.
Kilifi Governor Gideon Mung’aro under fire as a human rights group demands details of Ksh 300 million garbage collection tenders amid corruption allegations.
The governor now faces mounting pressure after a lobby group wrote to the County Secretary, demanding details related to two garbage collection tenders worth Ksh 300 million.
In a letter dated August 28th, 2024, and received by the County Secretary a day later, the human rights watchdog seeks clarity on the tendering process for these contracts.
The tenders in question are Tender No. CGK/MM/OT/027/2023/2024 for garbage collection and disposal services in Malindi Town and its environs, and Tender No. KCG/WEFNR/1246119/2023/2024 for garbage collection and disposal in Mtwapa Town and surrounding areas.
The issue was first raised in the County Assembly but was reportedly dismissed by the relevant committee.
However, the lobby group, a non-profit organization focused on human rights, believes the tendering process failed to meet the required standards.
“Based on the aforementioned and in the course of our client’s daily operations, critical information requiring clarification has come to light regarding the referenced tenders,” the letter states.
The group is now requesting documents outlining the tender invitations, as per Section 74 of the Public Procurement Asset and Disposal Act of 2015, as well as the list of bidding entities, tender opening minutes, and advisory opinions from the head of procurement regarding these tenders.
The lobby group also seeks original bid documents from tendering entities, evidence proving the awarded companies qualifications and minutes from the evaluation and tendering committee.
Other requested materials include the procurement plan, performance bonds, payment vouchers and inspection reports related to payments for the tenders.
The County has been given 14 days to provide this information to the group’s lawyer.
“Take notice that should you fail to respond to our request within the next 14 days, we shall institute legal proceedings against you without further notice,” the letter warns.
Dubious Tendering Process
The two tenders were initially floated during the 2022/2023 Financial Year and were carried over to the 2023/2024 Financial Year.
The companies involved were poised to win the same tenders for the 2024/2025 Financial Year, aided by the County’s adoption of a two-year prequalification framework.
This approach limits business to a few well-connected cartels within the revenue office, finance department, procurement desk, and the Governor’s office.
The tendering process appears largely predetermined, with minimal oversight from the relevant offices.
One notable example is Tender No. CGK/MM/OT/027/2023/2024 for garbage collection in Malindi, initially awarded at Ksh 35 million during the 2022/2023 Financial Year.
The tender was later revised upwards to Sh83 million, benefiting Jickram Investment—a company notorious for tender-related controversies.
The extra Sh50 million was reportedly shared among key players.
The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) investigated the tender following public complaints that the awarded company lacked the necessary qualifications and experience in garbage collection.
Jickram Investment bid Sh3,490,000 for the tender, while other qualified companies such as Binzin Supplies Ltd (Sh3,400,000), Masharubu Co. Ltd (Sh3,700,000) and Lanahoran Investments (Sh3,698,000) were overlooked.
A similar was witnessed with Tender No. KCG/WEFNR/1246119/2023/2024 for garbage collection in Mtwapa, sparking public outrage given the continued presence of garbage in the area.
A prominent Kilifi MP eyeing the gubernatorial seat, has also allegedly benefited from this tendering scheme.
Bribery for Silence
When this matter surfaced in March 2024, Kilifi MCAs reportedly accepted bribes to drop the issue.
The County Assembly’s Environmental Committee has remained conspicuously silent on the matter.
Both the EACC and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) are said to have been similarly compromised and let go of what many believe is a serious offence warranting impeachment.
Garbage Menace and Looting Strategy
Last year, Governor Mung’aro sacked the entire Malindi Municipal Board, which was responsible for overseeing city affairs, development policies, land use and public health initiatives.
The Governor’s decision followed public complaints about the stench from unmanaged garbage.
After disbanding the board, Mung’aro presented a new list of board members to the County Assembly, which included Suleiman Omar as Acting Chairman, Clara Mkambe and Agnes Muturi as members.
Residents now suspect this was a calculated move to ensure certain companies remained in control of garbage collection, free from board interference.
Audit Struggles
Governor Mung’aro has also faced scrutiny from Auditor General Nancy Gathungu, who flagged the Kilifi County Government for irregular payments and procurement activities.
The 2022/2023 audit revealed that Ksh177,094,193 was paid for specialized materials and services and Ksh298,029,333 for road construction without proper documentation.
The County was also questioned over a Ksh27,777,000 payment for seeds, fertilizers and farm implements.
The audit revealed that there was no proof of beneficiary identification, ownership of land, or evidence of testing for viability and suitability of the inputs by the Department of Agriculture.
The County also failed to provide compliance documents, such as valid tax certificates and certificates of incorporation and did not conduct sufficient public participation in these projects.
Further concerns were raised over a Ksh62,000,000 payment to the Kenya Medical Supplies Authority (KEMSA) for medical supplies with the audit revealing a lack of proper inventory documentation in violation of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015.
The row over seed supply payments has been a contentious issue during the 2023 planting season with some MCAs voicing their concerns over the quality of seeds distributed to local farmers.
As Absa Bank grapples with its tarnished reputation, new revelations are complicating the recovery process.
Absa Branch on Nkrumah Road, Mombasa
Recent developments include the dismissal of several employees over a massive fraud scheme where Digo Road and Nyali branches at the centre of the controversy.
In May 2024 staff from these branches conspired to embezzle Ksh 106 million from a retired ambassador and former Kenya Navy officer.
The scheme involved altering account signing mandates without the client’s consent, introducing a fake telephone number, creating fictitious accounts and siphoning off the funds.
The fraudsters manipulated the account to allow withdrawals under a proxy’s signature, with large sums exceeding Ksh 5 million being withdrawn in violation of CBK regulations.
Branch manager Jonesmus Mwambire approved a withdrawal of Ksh 7 million which saw his suspension by regional Absa boss Fadhiya Nordin.
Mwambire has since been terminated and further investigations are underway.
Nordin has assured customers of efforts to eliminate fraudulent staff including those accused of various malpractices.
Mwambire, who had served as acting regional manager, was also denied a permanent position.
Corruption and Nepotism
The scandal has resulted in the dismissal of Digo branch manager Mwambire and other key figures.
The treatment of staff at Absa continues to raise concerns among the remaining employees.
Court Strategy
Some senior executives at Absa Bank, led by CFO Yusuf Omari and other directors have pressured the legal and business support teams to foreclose court cases or fast-track the recovery process using auctioneers who can influence the auction process.
These friends win auction bids for bank properties, often financed by the bank, despite not qualifying for the facility.
The approval process is expedited by credit teams who are also part of the cartel.
Properties are then transferred to bank executives through companies registered in the names of law firms, many of which are also on the bank’s panel.
The bank is even disposing of branches at throwaway prices, such as the Absa Bamburi branch sold at 30% of its market value to proxies of Yusuf Omari.
Pressure is now being applied to MD Abdi and the corporate services department, led by Gilbert Ngetich, to also dispose of the Diani branch, which sits on a 15-acre beachfront plot.
Absa Branch in Diani
The Diani branch also includes two bank-owned cottages, valued at over Ksh 400 million.
The bank cartels are demanding to sell this property to their proxies at no more than Ksh 120 million.
The bank tried to have the file disposed, knowing the matter would not proceed after a meeting with court officials at Tamarind Hotel Mombasa on November 1st, 2022.
Shockingly, despite the intensive meeting, the company’s legal team did not file a defense, exposing Absa shareholders to the Ksh 1.5 billion claim.
Over Ksh 3 million exchanged hands, facilitated by CFO Yusuf Omari while he was the acting MD.
The dilapidated Absa Bank building along Mombasa Malindi Road, adjacent to Whitesands Hotel. This one-acre property has been controversially acquired by Yusuf Omari, Absa’s Chief Financial Officer, along with other senior bank staff.
Greed for Property
The aggressive disposal of bank properties has caused internal strife, leading to the resignation of Susan Situma, Head of SME, over disagreements on property management and client treatment.
The bank’s handling of the New Mega Africa case, including allegations of extortion and blackmail by Absa employees, further fueled internal discord.
Key executive Wycliffe Makori remains protected despite accusations of masterminding the scandal, which has alienated major corporate clients.
CBK and Absa South Africa Probing Staff
Both the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) and Absa’s South African headquarters have launched investigations into the bank’s activities across Kenya.
The probes are focusing on properties acquired by senior staff between 2018 and 2024 amid ongoing allegations of money laundering.
Airbnb and Short-Term Rental Platforms To Face Stricter Regulations
This mandatory registration is a response to recent murders that have occurred in short-term rentals.
The Ministries of Interior, Gender, Education and Tourism issued a joint statement stating that the registration process aims to ensure the highest standards of safety and security for guests.
“Effective immediately, all operators of short-term accommodation rentals, including Airbnb, are required to register with the Tourism Regulatory Authority (TRA). This registration process is designed to ensure that all accommodations meet the highest standards of safety and security for guests,” reads the statement.
It adds that the Private Security Regulatory Authority has also implemented strict safety protocols aimed at enhancing security and accountability within these establishments.
“Starting from 5th February 2024, National Government Administrative Officers (NGAOs), in collaboration with the TRA, will commence stringent inspections of all registered properties,” the statement added.
“We will subsequently coordinate with booking platforms to restrict unregistered rentals and further institute severe penalties, including fines and revocation of licences in cases of non-compliance.”
“We urge all stakeholders in the short-term rentals sector to adhere to these regulations, recognizing their legal and moral responsibility in ensuring a safe environment for all individuals regardless of gender,” they said.
This move follows the government’s efforts to regulate short-term rentals, with a focus on tax compliance.
The Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife had previously notified Airbnb operators to register with the Tourism Fund and the latest registration requirements further align with the government’s aim to bring these businesses under the tax bracket and collect the 2 per cent Tourism Levy.
For enforcement, the authorities plan to conduct inspections, collaborate with booking platforms and engage residents’ associations to ensure compliance with safety standards and regulations in the short-term rentals sector.
Corruption in Kenya’s judiciary has increasingly become a matter of grave concern to both citizens and legal stakeholders.
Clash of Power and Principle: Senior Counsel Ahmednasir Abdullahi Takes Aim at Judiciary’s Integrity, With Chief Justice Koome Caught in the Storm of Explosive ‘JurisPESA’ Bribery Claims
We often celebrate the idea of judicial independence but it’s time to confront a hard truth.
Our justice system, especially at the highest levels, is nothing but a playground of the rich and powerful.
When money flows through the corridors of justice, can we really say that our courts are independent? Or are they simply beholden to the highest bidder?
This issue is not merely a reflection of isolated incidents but a deep-seated problem that affects the highest echelons of the judiciary, including the Supreme Court.
Recent online discussions, particularly on X (formerly Twitter) have seen the emergence of an interesting term depicting the pervasive corruption in the legal system: “JurisPESA.”
Coined by distinguished Senior Counsel Ahmednasir Abdullahi, who, over the years, has gained notoriety for his outspoken critiques as well as the recent contentious battle with the judiciary, the term “JurisPESA” reflects his enduring stance against what he perceives as rampant corruption within our legal system.
Following a historic ban from the Supreme Court in January 2024—making him the first lawyer in Kenya to face such a sanction twice—lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi has since vehemently denounced the court’s integrity, portraying the exclusion as a mark of honour in his relentless quest to expose judicial malfeasance.
This unprecedented ban, enacted by the court under the leadership of Chief Justice Martha Koome came in response to Ahmednasir’s relentless criticism which the court deemed as undermining its authority and credibility.
One of the central allegations in the ongoing “JurisPESA” discourse is that the judiciary (particularly the Supreme Court) is easily swayed by those who can afford to pay for favourable outcomes.
This perception suggests that the scales of justice are tipped in favour of the wealthy and powerful.
For instance, he pointedly remarks that the order from the Supreme Court staying the Finance Act 2023 annulment by the Court of Appeal was allegedly paid for by the government.
In his critique, Ahmednasir did not spare the senior legal practitioners, who, according to him, are deeply entrenched in this alleged corruption.
He accused senior lawyers of perpetuating the culture of “JurisPESA”.
The lawyer argued that despite their extensive experience, many senior lawyers have remained conspicuously silent about judicial corruption.
He further criticized the senior bar for its failure to publicly condemn or address the corruption within the courts.
In a passionate outburst on social media, he questioned how seasoned practitioners could avoid speaking out against judicial corruption if they were not themselves complicit.
The idea that the rich can essentially “buy” favourable outcomes undermines the principle of impartial justice and shows a systemic issue where financial power dictates judicial decisions.
In the Supreme Court of Kenya… You can’t overcome JurisPESA. Don’t waste your time. Unfortunately, great judgments of the Court of Appeal are buried at the Supreme Court.
Another key issue raised is the near-unanimous decisions rendered by the Supreme Court judges.
This phenomenon of near-complete agreement among the Court’s seven judges, often reaching a consensus on 99.9% of their rulings, raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of Kenya’s highest court.
In a judiciary that is supposed to thrive on diverse perspectives and rigorous debate, such uniformity in decisions is unusual and warrants scrutiny.
The presence of seven distinct legal minds in the Supreme Court, each with their own experiences and viewpoints, should naturally lead to a variety of opinions and interpretations.
However, the current scenario suggests an almost monolithic approach to judgment.
Ahmednasir Abdullahi has been particularly vocal about this phenomenon and often uses it as one of the central points in his broader critique of the judiciary’s integrity.
He suggests that the near-unanimous decisions may be a result of financial influences or corruption, where the principles of impartial justice are compromised.
According to Abdullahi, if financial power is able to sway judicial outcomes, it would create a homogenous view among the judges, as those who cannot be bought are pressured or incentivized to align with the majority.
Here, a stark contrast is drawn between the current state of the Supreme Court and its more diverse decision-making under previous Chief Justices.
He notes that during Chief Justice Willy Mutunga’s tenure, dissenting and concurrent judgments were more common, reflecting a more robust judicial debate.
The decline in such opinions under Chief Justice David Maraga and the near-total disappearance during Chief Justice Martha Koome’s leadership is viewed by Ahmednasir as symptomatic of the current issues within the Court.
In my next post, which is fairly long, I will flesh out how the controlling legal philosophy of JurisPESA in the Supreme Court of Kenya inhibit dissents and concurrent judgments among the 7 judges of the Supreme Court. For instance, how can 7 judges agree in 99.9% of the…
Building on his critique of the Supreme Court’s near-unanimous decisions, lawyer Ahmednasir has proposed a radical but thought-provoking idea: the formal study of “JurisPESA” in law schools across Africa.
He argues that law schools in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and other Sub-Saharan countries should introduce an undergraduate course titled “JurisPESA: A Study on How Money/Bribes Influence Court Decision-Making Processes.”
In a recent post on X, Ahmednasir advocated for a comprehensive examination of the interplay between money and justice, urging law scholars to explore how financial influences impact judicial outcomes.
The Influence of Money: Analyzing how bribes and financial incentives shape judicial decisions and whether they perpetuate injustice. Law and Morality: Examining the ethical implications of bribery in the legal system and its impact on the development of law. Regulatory Frameworks: Proposing models for regulating bribery, drawing parallels with how Western democracies handle the prostitution industry as a regulatory benchmark. Economic Aspects: Exploring the quantum of bribes and their correlation with desired outcomes, and whether such practices should be regulated or even taxed by governments to level the playing field.
By addressing these topics, he believes that legal education can better prepare future lawyers and judges to confront and combat corruption.
The course would also aim to develop a framework for understanding whether money always leads to injustice or if, in some cases, it can be used to protect legitimate rights within the court system.
Any serious law school in Kenya and even in Uganda, Tanzania, and most of Africa MUST teach an undergraduate course on "JurisPESA…a study on how money/bribe influences courts' decision making process in Sub-Saharan Africa". The interplay between money and injustice/justice and…
These observations cast a harsh light on the role of the senior legal community in perpetuating JurisPESA.
Their decades-long silence on corruption is not a coincidence but a reflection of their own engagement with the corrupt practices that plague our courts.
By avoiding public condemnation, these senior lawyers validate and perpetuate the very system they should be challenging.
This silence is not a matter of oversight or professional discretion—it is a tacit endorsement, if not active participation, in the subversion of justice.
Their failure to address the moral and legal decay within the judiciary emboldens a system where verdicts are auctioned off to the highest bidder and JurisPESA becomes the unwritten rule by which justice is dispensed.
For over 35 years, these seasoned practitioners have quietly participated in the very system they now avoid condemning.
Their complicity in maintaining a judiciary where JurisPESA supersedes legal merit and where justice is commodified, cannot be ignored.
The consequence of this pervasive complicity is a judiciary that operates not as an arbiter of fairness and impartiality but as a marketplace for influence and power.
If this silence continues unabated, the credibility of the legal profession will be irreparably tarnished, and the promise of justice will remain an illusion for the vast majority who cannot afford to play the JurisPESA game.
It is high time that the senior bar confronts its own role in perpetuating this system, for only through a candid reckoning with their complicity can we begin to dismantle the stranglehold of corruption on our courts and restore faith in the integrity of our legal institutions.
Without such a shift, JurisPESA will continue to dictate the course of justice in Kenya – to the detriment of all but the wealthiest and most powerful among us.
Narok County Assembly Speaker Davis Dikirr has been accused of neglecting his constitutional duties as outlined in Article 178 of the Kenyan Constitution.
Narok County Assembly Speaker Davis Dikirr
Reports suggest that Dikirr has failed to fulfill his roles, resulting in significant disruptions within the assembly.
The Speaker is responsible for overseeing debates, keeping the assembly register, enforcing constitutional and procedural rules, disciplining members, and managing assembly business.
Allegations against Dikirr include stalled debates, no bill discussions beyond budget approvals, and persistent quorum issues.
Moreover, he is accused of corruption, seeking kickbacks related to tenders, such as the KSh 50 million renovation project.
Sessions have been adjourned due to a lack of quorum, media coverage has been restricted, and the County Governor has had to handle various events instead of focusing on county development.
Sources report that no substantial progress has been made in Narok County for the 2023/2024 financial year.
“Hi Nyakundi. The Narok County Assembly Speaker, Hon Davis Dikirr has abandoned his roles as stipulated in Article 178 of the Kenyan Constitution (2010).
The role of the Speaker of the County Assembly in Kenya includes the following:
1️⃣ Presiding over the debates of the County Assembly at every sitting of the Assembly,
2️⃣ Maintaining County Assembly attendance register,
3️⃣ Enforcing the observance of the Constitution, the Standing Orders, relevant statute, and Assembly traditions, procedures, and practices,
4️⃣ Disciplining members of County Assembly for misconduct in the county assembly, issuing orders and making rules for the regulation of visitors to the County Assembly precincts, administering the oath of affirmation or allegiance to Members, issuing writs for vacant County Assembly seats,
5️⃣ Protecting the rights of the minority while making sure that the majority have their way,
6️⃣ Organizing the business of the House as they are the Chairman of the House Business Committee,
7️⃣ Serving as the spokesperson of the County Assembly and ensuring that the dignity of the County Assembly and by extension, the Assembly, is upheld and its rights and privileges are not abused,
8️⃣ The Speaker is the final authority on all matters touching on the interpretation and application of the practice and procedure of Assembly at all times.
Due to the following grounds: ✅ Incompetence ✅ Gross misconduct
As mentioned above, the Speaker for the last two years has been unable to preside over debates due to incompetence.
No bill has ever seen the floor of the house for the last two years apart from budget approval for the last two fiscal years.
The Assembly has consistently lacked quorum to transact its business due to the Speaker’s failure to maintain the County Assembly register.
The Speaker has reportedly sought kickbacks from those awarded tenders, like the KSh 50 million tender meant for chamber renovation.
The assembly sessions have been adjourned due to a lack of quorum, and media houses have been denied live coverage of proceedings due to incompetence.
MCAs are no longer performing their oversight role due to poor leadership, resulting in the County Governor spending the last two months attending house warmings and opening projects from the 2022/2023 fiscal year.
No tangible development has occurred for the 2023/2024 fiscal year in Narok County,” a source from Narok County told cnyakundi.com.
A source has brought to light allegations of rampant unprofessionalism, nepotism, racism, and tribalism within ride-hailing and on-demand services provider company Faras Kenya located at AEA Plaza, Valley Road, Nairobi.
Faras Kenya cars lined up outside AEA Plaza – where claims of nepotism, tribalism, and unfair treatment are Adriving the company into turmoil.
According to the source who spoke to cnyakundi.com under the request of anonymity, unqualified Kenyans of Somali descent are being favoured for management positions due to personal ties with senior staff, creating an oppressive work atmosphere dominated by the Somali language.
Staff raising concerns are met with heavy retaliation, while drivers are being unfairly treated with blocked accounts and violations of company policy.
The situation is said to be deteriorating rapidly.
“Good afternoon Nyakundi. I hope you’re well. Kindly hide my name. I want to bring into attention the unprofessionalism, nepotism, racism, and tribalism happening at Faras Kenya office at AEA Plaza. Kenyans of Somali origin are getting elevated to managerial positions without qualifications because they are related to someone at the senior management. When you try to highlight these issues, you are threatened with warning letters or even a demotion. Somali is the language of communication both externally and internally in this office. The management doesn’t care about their drivers. They are blocking drivers’ accounts without warning and before the driver gets to the 40% threshold per the company’s policy. Kindly address this issue as it is worsening every day.”
Veterinary interns across Kenya are raising concerns over a two-month delay in receiving their stipends, which they rely on for their daily operations and well-being.
Overwhelmed Veterinary Interns Go Months Without Critical Stipend
Despite numerous follow-ups, authorities have yet to provide a solution or clear communication, leaving the interns financially strained and affecting their ability to deliver essential care to animals.
The situation has caused considerable distress and the interns are urging the public and relevant bodies to address the issue promptly.
This is what one source who spoke to cnyakundi.com anonymously had to say.
“Dear Cyprian,
I hope this message finds you well. I am writing to bring to your attention an urgent issue affecting many veterinary interns across Kenya. For the past two months, we have not received our stipends, which are crucial for our daily operations and well-being.
Despite multiple follow-ups with the relevant authorities, there has been no resolution or clear communication regarding the delay. As you can imagine, this situation is causing significant stress and financial strain for us, impacting our ability to provide essential care to animals.
I would greatly appreciate it if you could highlight this issue on your platform to help raise awareness and prompt action from the responsible parties. Your support could make a substantial difference in resolving this matter.
Thank you for your attention to this critical issue.
Best regards. Keep me anonymous.”
We urge the Kenya Veterinary Board to step up and address this grave issue without further delay.
Their failure to ensure timely stipend payments for these crucial interns not only jeopardizes their well-being but also threatens the quality of animal care across the nation.
Auditor General Nancy Gathungu has confirmed previous reports that linked Kwale county and a few others for operating multiple bank accounts to aid financial malpractices.
Auditor General Nancy Gathungu calls for a reduction in Kwale County’s numerous bank accounts to curb financial mismanagement.
The AG on September 4, urged counties, among them Kwale to reduce bank accounts they operate from a high of 300 to less than 10 so as to eliminate dormancy and ensure the effective utilization of public funds.
Kwale was flagged by the Controller of Budget as among counties that have unnecessary bank accounts with commercial banks. The CoB Controller of Budget found over 1,000 county bank accounts in commercial banks, in violation of the law that mandates counties to hold their funds in the Central Bank of Kenya.
Counties flagged for this practice included Bungoma, which operated 321 accounts, followed by Migori with 208 accounts, and Kwale with 165 accounts.
We should minimize bank accounts, we don’t need 300: Gathungu to counties.
Counties flagged for this practice include Bungoma, which operated 321 accounts, followed by Migori with 208 accounts, and Kwale with 165 accounts.
Speaking on Wednesday when she appeared before the Public Investments and Special Funds Committee Gathugu warned that counties risk losing track of public money as a result of operating multiple bank accounts.
The Auditor General stated that counties having more than 10 back accounts is “too much” adding that operating 300 or 200 accounts “don’t make sense to me.”
“I think we should minimize bank accounts we should have one or two expenditure accounts. We don’t need 300,” Gathungu said.
Gathungu expressed concerns about the potential for mismanagement and misuse of funds, noting that the complexity of managing numerous accounts can lead to oversight and misallocation of resources.
“First of all, you will lose track, you put money there sometimes you forget that there is money there and then you come and in some of my reports you will see there is re-allocations from this account to another account and it was set up for a fund.”
The AG further expressed concern over the existing gaps in the law which she says has given counties a leeway to create multiple accounts which argues open the door to the misuse of public funds.
Kwale County Government is still operating 63 accounts with commercial banks despite warning from the Office of the Controller of Budget.
The Controller of Budget Margaret Nyakang’o in April 2024, questioned the use of the some 63 different bank accounts in Kwale.She cited gross violation of Regulations 82(1)(b) of the PFM (County Governments) Regulations, 2015, which requires that County government bank accounts be opened and maintained at the Central Bank of Kenya
The CoB was concerned that the existence of these accounts provided an avenue for diversion of funds by respective officers in the finance department.
The CoB had recommended that the County Government to ensure that bank accounts are opened and operated at the Central Bank of Kenya as the law requires, with the exemption for petty cash and revenue collection accounts.
The Finance and Procurement departments at the county have been on the spotlight over various corruption deals.
Some reports have linked the finance office and specifically the Finance Chief Officer Thomas Alex Onduko to manipulation of documents, illegal withdrawals and manipulation of data and information to aid graft.
Thomus Alex Onduko
Onduko recently appeared before the senate committee where some serious questions were raised but due to his mischievous tactics he tried to manage some few senators.
Questions have also emerged that he is not seeing eye to eye with finance executive committee member Mr. Bakari Sebe and Onduko only takes instructions from Governor Achani.
There have also been suspected cases of revenue diversion after the CoB raised questions on the underperformance of own-source revenue at Kshs.285.34 million against an annual target of Kshs.600 million, representing 47.6 per cent of the annual target.
The County is also battling High level of pending bills which amounted to Kshs.173.12 million as of 31st March 2024, and this is expected to have grown to over Ksh 200 million by end of 2024.
In the first nine months of the 2023/25 FY, the Controller of Budget approved withdrawals of Kshs.5.59 billion from the CRF account during the reporting period, which comprised Kshs.1.11 million (19.9 per cent) for development programmes and Kshs.4.48 billion (80.1 per cent) for recurrent programmes. Analysis of the recurrent exchequers released in the first nine months of FY 2023/24 indicated that Kshs.2.55 billion was released towards Employee Compensation and Kshs.1.93 billion for Operations and Maintenance expenditure.
The available cash balance in the County Revenue Fund Account at the end of the frst nine months of FY 2023/24 was Kshs.1.20 billion.
The total amount spent during this period was greater than the amount released by the COB. The county had explained that this was due to invoices that had been validated in the system but not yet paid due to the delay in the disbursement of funds by the National Treasury.
However, a follow upon the invoices leads to suspected fraud which come of the MCAs want probed.
The CoB also put the finance department on the spot over payment of Ksh 67,794,770 for the construction of KSh600 million fruit processing plant in Kubo South ward.This was for the phase one works whose budget was Ksh 8,089,590 million.
There are suspected dubious payments related to the construction of Vukani Mulungunipa Road RFQ number 1463747/ 2023-24 where millions are believed to have been paid using unorthodox means.
This comes against a backdrop of reports that some CECMs and Chief officers have defrauded the county using companies directly linked to them.
Investigations have been ongoing to unravel how companies related to one of the executive were paid Ksh 150,610,711 million.
The companies were allegedly paid in total disregard to the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act of 2015.
The companies are Diani Occasions which has been paid Ksh 33,70,00 million, Mutanga Investments that has been paid Ksh 266,644,200 million and R Flink which banked Ksh 90,296,011 million. The companies are alleged associated with Francisca Mutethya Kilonzo the current County Executive Committee Member (CECM) for Social Services and Talent Management.
By the end of September 2024, atleast 5,000 students attached to University of Nairobi (UON) will be graduating to become relevant and available to the job market.
A concerning trend at the University of Nairobi as hundreds of students reportedly secure graduation through dubious means, including bribery and corruption, undermining the integrity of the institution’s graduation process.
This is after years of hardworkd and toil, depending on the course and program for every student.
However, it has emerged that hundreds of students from the University are securing backdoor graduation rights, thanks to unscrupulous and corrupt administrators who have mastered the art of doctoring fake success at the University.
Strange, it may not be but the university is yet again on the spotlight for allowing students who haven’t gone through all the necessary course demands and regulations to end up on the graduation list and feast in celebration with the rest of the hardworking lot.
I’m what turns out to be a top systematic secret of unbridled greed, the institution that is ranked best in the country and among the creme dela creme has become a den of corrupt administrators who are ready to aid lazy and incompetent students go through the system.
This happens on a golden plate of bribery, sexual favours and all manner of compromise with willing students working with their vulnerable parents to pay the cheque and get sneaked through.
At the University, their exists a special room named 407 where all these is happening and the ‘clever’ students who know about can go about their other part of life as they wait to graduate without sweating.
A former lecturer at the University confided to the writer that good money is always exchanging hands every year when the graduation time is nearing.
In our possession we have a list of several students, their admission numbers, amount of money bribed, names of university staff and this includes lecturers. The rise in this crime began in 2009.
The evidence also reveals that the university corrupt staff colluded with other branches from Kisumu, Nakuru, Mombasa, and other branches in the country in the scandal mentioned.
Most students who have failed certain exams, have missed seating exams or did not meet the threshold for class attendance can always dance their way at the special room.
“This is happening at UON and I can tell you some of the adminstrators themselves go looking for the potential clients amongst the students who don’t meet the threshold to graduate,” the former lecturer revealed.
He said that some lecturers at the University who are not aware of the graduation scandal have been shocked to see students who did not pass their exams graduate.
“At times you are seated there and you see a student who failed some of the exams under your faculty or subject graduating and you wonder what happened,” he added.
The students who have not been cleared by respective lectures are often the most sought after by this clique of graduation cartel that is in dire need of quick money.
It becomes easy for the female students with good looks if those who have to push them through are men. For their male counterparts, the deeper the pockets the faster the deal.
This cartel involves rogue lectures, heads of departments and sometimes officers from the office of the dean of students.
The University offers over 300 market driven programmes in Healthcare; Engineering; Architecture; Science & Technology; Agriculture; Veterinary Medicine; Business; and social Sciences, distributed in its 11 Faculties and 56 Departments.
It is estimated that every department has atleast 20 students securing graduation through the backdoor.
Sometimes the lecturers or involved adminstrators demand bribes running to over Sh50,000 while some who have emergency cases will take anything from students they have been close to.
Information available indicates that during the 2023 academic year, the university had 49,047 students, of whom 35,897 were undergraduates and 11,003 were postgraduates with over 5000 students graduating.
The university launched several policy frameworks and introduced self-funded enrollment (also called ‘module 2’) to cope with the rising demand for higher education in Kenya.
From this, it is estimated that atleast 10% of the graduates did not merit but made it through.
Despite all these, University of Nairobi was ranked among the top 10 universities in Africa in the just released ranking by Edurank 2024.
It was ranked 1 in Kenya, 8 in Africa and 824 in the world, Makerere University was ranked no. 7 in Africa and 819 in the world. University of Capetown, Witwatersrand and Stellenbosch were ranked 1, 2 and 3 in Africa respectively.
Kenyatta University was ranked No. 2 in Kenya, 38 in Africa and 2230 in the world.
According to the Edurank website, the ranking is according to research output, non-academic prominence and alumni influence.
Over 24.5M citations have been analyzed made by over 1,104 universities from Africa.
UoN scored in the top 50% across 124 research topics.
Edurank’s index has 17,002 academic publications of the UoN and 254, 746 citations, and analysis of non-academic reputation and the impact of 94 notable alumni.
A study shows that every year Kenyan universities release approximately 50,000 graduates into the job market.
In January 2021, Martha was added to this pool of unemployed graduates.
After completing her Bachelor of Science in information Technology (IT) Degree, she immersed herself into serious job hunting.
There have been fears that the Kenyan job market is full of fake graduates and the situation at UON is just but a tip on the iceberg.
The uproar over the controversial frame agreement contracting in Kilifi is set to take centre stage in the corridors of justice after a number of business men vowed to challenge tens of contracts awarded under the new model introduced by Governor Gideon Mung’aro.
Businessmen in Kilifi challenge the controversial framework agreement contracting system introduced by Governor Gideon Mung’aro, citing favouritism and corruption in awarding county contracts.
The businessmen who have numerously complained of being locked out of business, despite meeting all procurement regulations want to challenge the contracting process, which they claim is skewed and tilted in favour of a few unscrupulous businessmen.
They claim the system has been designed to only favour seasoned and well-established contractors and suppliers known to the governor and other senior politicians from the county.
The county adopted the framework agreement approach in its procurement plan in what was seen as way of improving efficiency and accountability.
Framework contracting has been deployed in various national government departments with Kilifi County adopting model at the beginning of the 2023.
Since then, reports have been rife that few suppliers have dominated the supply chain, exposing the county to the risk of reduced innovation, lack of compliance.
To date, various reports have linked senior county officials for dominating the supply chain through their proxy companies. A dominant supply chain made of individuals who have run the show in Malindi, Mombasa and the municipalities has been having a field day, reaping big at the expense of hundreds of other potential suppliers.
This is now headed for a legal battle, heavily reliant on similar other cases where courts have stopped state agencies from using the model to procurement after suppliers who had otherwise won tenders had their contracts ended prematurely.
“What is happening is that a few individuals are now meeting in hotels to decide who suppliers what, when and where all in the name of frame contracting,” a young supplier based in Malindi lamented.
He added: We will seek legal action now to remedy the situation because that seems to be the only option left for now,”
The disgruntled business fraternity also clam the framework contracting that has been going on across all sectors has instead led to massive collusion, kickbacks, favouritism and overpricing.of contracts.
Those not in the clique of the Kilifi’s famous and notorious ‘High Table’ of shrewd contractors and suppliers are having it hard and one female suppliers even complained that tenders meant for women, youths and people with disability are being given to the few heavyweights who are using proxy companies.
In general practice frame contracting is usually designed to guarantee cost savings, improve efficiency, enhance accountability,promote standardization and guarantee capacity building.
However, in Kilifi, the situation speaks otherwise with cases of illegal tendering, delayed implementation of projects and nepotism taking centre stage.
Maxwell Biketi who is a lawyer by profession has opined that it is within law for any business man aggrieved by any procurement process to move to court to seel legal intervention.
“I understand them and yes, they can do it using the Section 174 of the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act, 2015 which lays basis for such cases,”
He cited the case between Asphalt Works Investment Limited and Kenya Ports Authority of 2023.
Asphalt sued KPA in respect of three tenders it has won but all these was later overturned unceremoniously by KPA in favour of another contractor.
The company sought judicial review orders in respect of tender numbers KPA136/2021-22 which was a framework agreement for drainage and water reticulation, KPA 137/2021-22framework agreement for Road Works, KPA 138/2021-22 framework agreement for concrete works and KPA.
The company asked the Mombasa High Court to compel KPA to terminate procurement for the supply of similar services in respect of the said tenders.
The application was premised on the grounds that the KPA had advertised the tenders yet the company had already been contracted to offer the services for two years by the same state agency.
It is based on this that the business class in Kilifi will be seeking redress in court. They claim that just like the KPA case, some contracts already awarded in Kilifi are being mutated so that they can be re advertised and given to other suppliers under the frame agreement contracting.
“This is another way of avoiding to pay contactors who have toiled for years to create an avenue for a few people to steal public resources,” a irate contractor whose pending bills have not been cleared lamented.
It is expected that the business men will been seeking court orders for cancellation of all contracts recently awarded or reviewed to pave way for thorough scrutiny and due diligence. The will also be demanding that the court relays information of all frame agreement contracts.
Former director of the National Youth Service (NYS) Nelson Gitau Githinji is embroiled in an ongoing child upkeep case filed by his ex-lover Miriam Omar Mzee.
An image of Former NYS Boss and State House Comptroller Nelson Githinji
The case filed on 20th December 2023 puts the businessman at crossroads with Miriam who is demanding a Ksh, 908,400 per year to cater for the child needs.
The Tononoka Magistrate Court on December 21 2024 gave Githinji 14 days to appear before it and the case has been ongoing without much public scrutiny into it.
Mr. Githinji has been accused by Miriam of neglecting parental duties to a child they allegedly sired together.
In the case, Miriam argues that she was involved in an intimate relationship with Mr. Githinji, and this culminated into the birth of one child named Mahmoud born on 5th June,2022.
She says that Mr. Githinji has neglected his child and failed/refused to completely provide for their child.
Miriam argues that she is a hairdresser with very limited income hence not able to cater for the child’s needs without Nelson’s support.
She made the decision to sue Mr. Githinji after he refused to co-operate with any manners of out-of-court settlement.
She made a list of demands she wants the court to order Mr Githinji to honor and this includes; catering for the child’s food and other basic needs valued at Ksh 45,000 per month which translates to Ksh 540,000 per year.
She also wants rent worth Ksh 20,000 per month translating to Ksh 240,000 per year, miscellaneous expenses at Ksh 5000 per month which is 60,000 per year diapers Ksh 3,200 per month which translates to 38,400 per year and clothing at Ksh 30,000 per year.
This in total translates to Ksh 75,700 per month and Ksh 908,400 per year which she is demanding from Githinji.
She also wants Mr. Githinji to make adequate contributions to education expenses incurred in respect of the said child and any other additional expenses for education as they may arise.
Miriam asked the court to find it that both her and Nelson have equal parenting responsibility and further requested that she remains in custody of the child.
She wants specifically the court to order Mr. Githinji to be paying Ksh, 75,700 monthly, child school fees and school related expenses, as well as take comprehensive medical cover for the child.
Mr. Githinji is not new to court battles as he previously been accused of fraudulently acquiring public property after spending Sh497,335 taxpayers cash on June 10,2014 to service and repair his private vehicle KBS 475S purporting to be the cost used to repair a government vehicle.
He was however set free senior principal magistrate Lucas Onyina Onyango who terminated the case following a decision of the Court of Appeal which ruled that cases started against suspects when the EACC had no Commisioners were irregular.
The discharge led to dismissal of other NYS cases in which taxpayers list Billions through fraudulent transactions.
Prior to his appointment as the NYS boss, Dr Githinji had served as State House Comptroller from 2009.
He became the first official occupant of the position whose influence had been whittled down substantially when former President Mwai Kibaki split the roles of the State House Comptroller into two.
Dr Githinji, who describes himself as a selfless public servant, was thus responsible for finance and administration at the house on the hill.
Prior to the appointment as State House Comptroller, he had enjoyed a sterling career spanning 19 years in the private sector in various leadership roles.
He had served as head of sales and marketing, government relations, public policy, public affairs and community relations at Coca-Cola Africa.
He also worked with GlaxoSmithKline as group product manager (Food & Beverages) between 1994 and 2002.
A whistleblower has exposed troubling details about a principal procurement officer in Kilifi County.
EACC Headquarters Integrity Center, Nairobi.
According to the information, the procurement officer, who is a major shareholder in Bepri General Supplies Limited, has amassed considerable wealth through questionable procurement practices.
Between 2019 and 2020 her company secured tenders from various county governments totaling over KSh 23 million.
Munga allegedly used these funds to purchase several properties, including plots along major roads and a beachfront, and acquired high-end vehicles.]
She reportedly orchestrated a scheme where she awarded tenders to companies linked to her allies and family members, receiving payments in cash.
The funds from these tenders were used to finance her luxurious lifestyle, including a Ksh 24 million mansion and high-value vehicles.
She also received a KSh 1 million loan from Imarika Sacco and has continued to benefit from fraudulent tendering activities.
The matter has been reported to the EACC under report number 110734.
“Hi Cyprian, I’d like to whistleblow on a certain Procurement officer in Kilifi County on conflict of interest and corruption. I have all the information and supporting documents. Priscilla Mwaka Munga, a principal procurement officer in the county government of Kilifi though a public servant, has gone on to accumulate vast wealth through unscrupulous procurement methods and schemes. Priscilla Munga is the majority shareholder and director of her company, Bepri General Supplies Limited. Her company, Bepri General Supplies Limited, was awarded a total of 4 tenders between 2019-2020 by County Government of Mombasa, County Government of Kwale, and County Government of Machakos totaling to KES 23,838,794. Through her company Bepri, she proceeded to buy a piece of land along the Mombasa-Malindi highway (L.R. 5054/735) some meters from Naivas supermarket at KES 8 million. She initiated the purchase of a beach plot along Bofa road (Block 4 UNS. Residential NO 251) at KES 11 million, securing it with a KES 4 million deposit. Priscilla purchased a 2.5-acre parcel of land (Kilifi/Mtondia 2137) at KES 2.4 million in the Jamii town/Mtondia area. Some 17 acres were purchased along the Kilifi-Ganze route at Mrima wa Kuku area. In Malindi, Priscilla purchased a beach plot in Watamu, and some two other parcels of land. Also purchased was a Toyota Hilux (KCT 080P) at KES 3.5 million, a Mazda CX5 (KCX 620V) at KES 1.8 million. She went on to construct a one-storey bedsitter complex within Kilifi Town. Managed by a rental agent, she earns a monthly rental income of KES 30,000 which is paid into her account by her ex-husband, Bernard Kamwende Ndzai, a former KEMRI employee who resigned 6 years ago and has since been rendered an alcoholic pauper since their separation 5 years ago. Priscilla also constructed some 18-unit bedsitters opposite the County Government of Kilifi’s Public Service Board offices in Fumbini area. The units are mainly vacant thus no rental income collected. In her tenure, she served as the principal procurement officer of roads, County Government of Kilifi, where she commenced a symbiotic sexual relationship with the then Chief of Roads. She managed to hatch a plan where she not only schemed but also invited, evaluated, and awarded herself tenders by proxy to the companies of her closest allies and family members. Her allies being; Daniel Sanga, a casual at Ministry of Roads, County Government of Kilifi, Daniel’s Girlfriend, Maureen Murigi, Faith Cherono, Christine Mkamburi, a casual at Ministry of Lands, County Government of Kilifi, Priscilla’s brother Jackson Chilumo, and his wife’s company were also used in this tendering scheme. Upon payment, the mentioned parties would withdraw the funds from their company’s accounts and deliver the funds to Priscilla Munga in hard cash in exchange for a small monetary token. The scheme runs up to date. She was also able to buy tenders from the former Member of County Assembly, Ganda Ward, Reuben Katana in the financial year 2020/2021. Even if Priscilla’s company Bepri only legitimately worked for less than two years, in June 2023, she received a tender payment into Bepri’s bank account at Premier Bank, from the County Government of Narok through forged documents and unclear circumstances. In June 2022, Priscilla embarked on the construction of a 4-bedroom mansion in the Jamii Town/Mtondia area (Kilifi/Mtondia 2137) costs running KES 24 million. The project was funded by a mortgage Priscilla had received from the County Government of Kilifi in August 2023, a KES 1 million loan from Imarika Sacco in January 2024, the rest of the construction costs were covered by the hard cash received from the fraudulent tendering scheme. In July 2023, Priscilla acquired a 2014 BMW X3 (KDM 797N) at KES 3.8 million, which has now been gifted to the current director of Malindi Water, in exchange for future award of tender works. For example, Letter of award, reference number: MAWASCO/MLD/C042/VOL.1/23994. Her company was also awarded two tenders in the County Government of Makueni in the financial year 2023/2024 amounting to KES 6,673,791. With a monthly income of less than KES 70,000, of which KES 30,000 is from her rental income, her two children Hope Kanazi and Robert Ndzai have been fortunate enough to school at Kivukoni School for the past 4 years, with a combined fee of KES 500,000 per term. She has no other businesses nor any other source of income besides her fraudulent tendering schemes and rental income. The matter was reported to EACC report number 110734.”
It is commonplace that Kenya Airways (KQ) is grappling with considerable financial difficulties, having recorded a substantial deficit of Ksh 38.26 billion in the latest fiscal year.
Despite numerous strategic shifts, leadership changes and various restructuring efforts, the airline’s financial woes persist.
Over the past decade, Kenya Airways has accumulated a total loss of Khs 172.68 billion even with major state bailouts.
A comprehensive revival proposal offers promising path forward for Kenya Airways
Amidst these ongoing difficulties, a new initiative has emerged aimed at revitalizing the airline.
A group of pilots has submitted a comprehensive proposal to the Ministry of Transport, detailing a strategy for Kenya Airways revival.
The proposal authored by Mwenda Mabura, leverages Kenya’s key economic drivers and is being offered freely to benefit the people of Kenya.
This plan seeks to address the airline’s deep-seated issues and provide a sustainable path forward for the national carrier.
The proposal by Mwenda Mabura outlines a multi-faceted strategy aimed at revitalizing Kenya Airways (KQ) which has been grappling with consecutive losses for ten years, culminating in a record Ksh 38.26 billion loss for the most recent fiscal year.
The airline’s financial woes have been exacerbated by a history of frequent CEO changes, operational inefficiencies, and challenges in maintaining compliance with international standards, as noted in a 2022 audit by the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA).
Meanwhile, regional competitor Ethiopian Airlines is expanding aggressively and planning to double its destinations and significantly increase its fleet.
The proposed recovery plan notes the urgent need for revamped governance at Kenya Airways.
The current board which includes members with backgrounds in fields unrelated to aviation lacks the necessary expertise.
It is suggested that the board be composed of aviation professionals and relevant stakeholders to effectively drive the airline’s recovery.
Operational inefficiencies have also plagued Kenya Airways, including poor personnel decisions, ineffective outsourcing, and suboptimal routing strategies.
Criticism has also been directed at inadequate customer service, with closed sales offices and understaffed call centers.
The recovery plan proposes a shift in governance and organizational structure.
This includes establishing a board of aviation experts and relevant stakeholders, creating a results-oriented organizational structure, and streamlining operations.
The proposed structure draws inspiration from successful global airlines, such as American Airlines, which has implemented a governance model focused on aviation expertise and stakeholder representation.
The plan also suggests a strategic overhaul of KQ’s fleet, recommending the consolidation of aircraft to reduce costs associated with leasing, maintenance, and training.
The strategy includes using Boeing 737-8 for domestic and regional routes, Boeing 787 series for international destinations, and Boeing 777X for ultra-long-range flights.
A focus on expanding the cargo fleet is also proposed, with the gradual conversion of aging aircraft to cargo-only operations.
The proposed recovery strategy aims to address both governance and operational inefficiencies, seeking to reposition Kenya Airways for future growth and stability.
This plan insists on the importance of targeted leadership and management, operational efficiency and fleet optimization to restore the airline’s financial health and competitive edge in the industry.
Challenges Identified
Leadership and Governance Issues: The current board lacks aviation expertise and stakeholder representation, leading to mismanagement and strategic errors. Operational Inefficiencies: Poor decision-making regarding critical personnel, ineffective service outsourcing, and irrational aircraft routing. Customer Service Deficiencies: Closure of sales offices and understaffed, ineffective call centers.
Proposed Recovery Strategy
Revamped Governance: Establish a new board with aviation professionals and key stakeholders rather than just investors. The board should include representatives from various sectors such as aviation, horticulture, tourism, and finance.
Example from American Airlines: The proposal draws inspiration from global best practices, underlining the expertise of board members at American Airlines, such as those with backgrounds in aeronautical engineering, aviation maintenance, and transport infrastructure.
Results-Oriented Organizational Structure: Revamp the organizational structure to focus on Kenya Airways’ core functions and revenue generation. The current structure resembles a banking model, which is not well-suited to the airline’s operational needs.
New Structure: Introduce a more streamlined organizational model with specific roles for managing flight operations, cargo, sales, and marketing. This will also include setting up a Boeing 787 simulator and other training facilities to enhance operational efficiency.
Operational Efficiency: Align procurement processes with industry standards to reduce costs. Implement more objective decision-making criteria to balance competition, transparency, and integrity.
Fleet Reorganization: Standardize the fleet to reduce lease rates, spare parts costs, and training expenses. For example, use Boeing 737-8 for domestic and regional flights, and Boeing 787 series for international routes. Transition some aging aircraft to cargo use to build the cargo fleet cost-effectively.
New Revenue Streams: Develop a regional and international cargo hub using a hub-and-spoke logistics model. Set up a “Drop and Ship” portal for diaspora packages to eliminate intermediaries and boost revenue.
Collaborations: Partner with private investors and technical universities to enhance revenue generation and job creation.
Direct Jobs: Create employment opportunities in various roles including pilots, cabin crew, and engineers.
Indirect Jobs: Generate additional jobs in related sectors such as transport, agriculture, and retail.
China’s influence in East Africa has expanded considerably in recent years and is now characterized by extensive economic partnerships and strategic military collaborations.
Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan and Chinese President Xi Jinping: As Tanzania forges deeper economic ties with China, to what extent will these partnerships enhance national development while potentially compromising the country’s sovereignty and regional stability?
As East African nations strive to boost their infrastructure and economic growth, the question arises: will these partnerships support development or compromise national sovereignty and regional stability?
Economic Partnerships and Infrastructure Development
Tanzania stands at the forefront of this transformation, attracting substantial Chinese investment in port infrastructure and various development projects.
Under the framework of the Shekou Model 4.0 and the Port-Park-City concept, Tanzania is set to receive not just ports but an integrated system encompassing logistics zones and adjacent industrial parks.
This model mirrors China’s successful development strategies, aiming to replicate its economic growth.
As one delves into the intricacies of these developments, it becomes evident that the ambitious investments promise to enhance Tanzania’s economic capabilities while simultaneously allowing China to secure a foothold in the region.
This duality raises critical questions about land ownership and control over the blue economy.
Beyond economic ties, China has begun offering military assistance to East Africa, deepening its influence.
In Tanzania, reports suggest that military donations and security collaborations gain prominence.
This shift could have profound implications for peace and stability in the region.
President William Ruto’s directive for public servants aged 60 and above to retire reflects a broader effort to cut government costs, revealing a climate where national resources may become increasingly stretched.
China’s military presence, alongside its economic endeavors, poses a dual-edged sword.
While it may strengthen security infrastructure in the short term, the long-term ramifications of this partnership could jeopardize regional autonomy and create dependencies that may not align with East Africa’s strategic interests.
The delicate balance of fostering development while safeguarding sovereignty remains at the heart of this complex relationship.
Labor and Sovereignty Issues
Compounding these challenges are the stipulations within China’s agreements, which often allow for the influx of Chinese workers into local projects.
Such practices raise alarms about labor control and the potential marginalization of local populations.
Critics argue that permitting Chinese nationals to dominate job opportunities undermines the benefits of foreign investment and poses risks to national identity and workforce development.
As Tanzania engages with China, the implications of this relationship extend far beyond economic transactions.
The prospect of local populations being sidelined in favor of foreign labor reflects a broader strategy prioritizing Chinese nationals over Tanzanian citizens, raising ethical and social questions about the equity of development initiatives.
Political Responses to China’s Initiatives
As Tanzania deepens its ties with China, the implications of the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) extend beyond mere economic partnerships.
This burgeoning relationship increasingly comes into focus through a geopolitical lens, prompting questions about regional stability and the balance of power in East Africa.
The late President John Magufuli notably rejected the construction of the Bagamoyo Port, citing implications for national sovereignty and economic viability.
In contrast, his successor, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, exhibits a willingness to engage with Chinese initiatives, possibly reflecting a shift in the political landscape.
This change raises questions about the motivations behind such a pivot—whether it stems from an urgent need for economic recovery or a strategic recalibration in foreign policy.
Public sentiment plays a crucial role in this dynamic.
Many Tanzanians harbor skepticism toward Chinese investments, fearing they might exacerbate existing inequalities and lead to the loss of jobs to foreign workers.
Reflecting on this skepticism, it’s important to consider how Tanzania’s engagement with China could lead to a deeper dependency on foreign labor, potentially undermining the social fabric of the nation.
Geopolitical Implications for East Africa
China’s engagement with Tanzania, particularly through the development of major ports and infrastructure, signals its intent to establish a dominant presence along the African coastline.
This strategy aims to enhance China’s maritime capabilities while positioning Tanzania as a strategic player in global trade routes.
The overarching question remains: how does this influence affect the sovereignty of Tanzanian territory and the broader East African region?
With plans for extensive port development, apprehensions arise that the MSR could lead to the partitioning of Tanzania’s coastal resources.
This situation could effectively grant China control over vital maritime routes and resources, thus diminishing Tanzania’s authority over its own territorial waters.
Considering the implications of this arrangement, it’s crucial to assess how neighboring countries might react to an increasingly powerful China in their waters.
Addressing Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing
As Chinese companies gain access to these waters, apprehensions arise that they might exploit the region’s fish stocks, jeopardizing local livelihoods and marine ecosystems.
The government must balance the economic advantages of Chinese partnerships against the need to protect its marine resources and ensure the sustainability of its fishing industries.
Moreover, China’s increasing presence may prompt a more aggressive stance from neighboring countries regarding maritime boundaries and resource control.
This situation could lead to heightened tensions in a region that has already experienced its share of maritime disputes.
To further understand these complexities, it is worthwhile to explore the insights provided by local stakeholders about the ramifications of Chinese fishing practices and the necessity for sustainable management.
The Future of Tanzania’s Sovereignty in the Age of MSR
Looking ahead, Tanzania’s engagement with China will undoubtedly shape its trajectory in the years to come.
The key lies in how Tanzanian leaders navigate this partnership, making certain it serves national interests without compromising sovereignty.
As the government maneuvers through these waters, the challenge will be to leverage China’s investments for local benefit, ensuring that development translates into tangible improvements for Tanzanians rather than fostering dependency.
The sickening story of how two lovebirds operating as senior officers at the customs office of Lunga Lunga Border Control has left many in awe.
The lovebirds, who now live as a married couple, are Aquilino Aciita Mwithali, the Customs Station Manager at Lunga Lunga Border Post and his slaying wifenFlossy Wawira Monica who is the Head of Verification (Supervisor) at the same border post.
Aquilino Aciita Mwithali the Customs Station Manager with Flossy Monica Wawira during their colorful wedding
The two have successfully managed to turn the border post into a love and merry-making playground, akin to a theatre of the absurd where love thrives over work ethics.
This, coupled with unchecked corruption and blatant security risks that could put the lives of Kenyans at risk, has been perfected by the two, who brag of protection from authorities above them.
Mwithali moved to Lunga Lunga in December 2023, following the dangerous floods that swept and killed former Customs Manager Joram Maina.
Despite the absence of scanners, insiders say many goods (including contraband) are cleared to pass without being scanned in exchange for millions of shillings.
Back to Mwithali, his dalliance with corruption at the Lunga Lunga border post led him to meet Flossy Monica Wawira, a shrewd operator and a seductive woman with an uncontrolled love for dirty money.
As the supervisor at the station, she is the final authority on what comes in. She is the head of verification, releasing all goods entering and exiting Tanzania.
For starters, Flossy is not new to the corridors of graft and dark arts operations.
She was arrested in 2023 by a team from the Anti-Terror Unit in Nairobi on allegations that she was helping terror suspects sneak in drones from foreign countries to carry out terror-related activities.
She was taken to court and in a bizarre twist of events, was turned into a witness by the Anti-Terror Unit.
After her court ordeal, she was supposed to face serious disciplinary measures from her employer but she managed to manoeuvre her way back to work at Lunga Lunga, where together with Mwithali, they have taken their love affair to irretrievable levels.
According to our sources, the two have become a significant obstruction to other staff, as they often kiss and touch in the office so shamelessly, despite the fact that they are married and living together.
But how the government has allowed a reckless couple to run affairs in a serious border post like Lunga Lunga baffles many.
Apparently, there is no scanner at the border post, which means corruption is inevitably rampant. All corrupt dealings are conducted through misdeclaration of goods and services.
It is understood that corrupt traders meet with Flossy through proxies in advance. Apart from the money she has to collect on behalf of the big bosses, she makes around Ksh 150,000 per day.
Their destructive behaviour has been a problem at the border post and often creates a lot of unnecessary traffic.
The border post is clearly held hostage by a love triangle as the country loses millions in revenue collection.
It used to record good turnover in revenue collection before Mwithali took over, but today, it is hardly registering 60% of its target.
Mwithali’s main activities are intimidating junior workers, police officers attached to Lunga Lunga border, chewing khat, and maintaining a chain of women who do business in Tanzania and Kenya.
The border post has also been accused by traders of many authoritative demands not supported by law.
A fortnight ago, importers in Mombasa accused KRA officials in charge of cargo clearance and the profiling unit of applying their own punitive rules while clearing their cargo, even without seeking their opinion.
The top management was also accused of using junior inexperienced managers and officers to enforce unconstitutional rules on innocent traders, leading to losses in revenue in the billions.
At the same time, a parliamentary oversight committee has been urged to look into the matter and help effect changes at the border post.
Over the years, former KEMSA Chairman Irungu Nyakera has become synonymous with controversy, with his journey defined by a long-standing role as a career public servant and a brief foray into politics as the leader of the obscure Farmers Party, under which he made a failed attempt at the Murang’a gubernatorial seat.
Chairperson of KICC Board Irungu Nyakera
As the current chairman of the Kenyatta International Convention Centre (KICC), he continues to be an influential player in state affairs, intertwining his business interests with public service.
This intertwining of politics and power has afforded him considerable access to the corridors of influence and created an environment ripe for the abuse of authority.
With his extensive connections, Nyakera often leverages his position to manipulate situations to his advantage.
Unsuspecting victims of his dealings find themselves powerless against his influence and unable to challenge his actions or seek redress.
His reputation is tainted by endless scandals.
Among the numerous controversies surrounding Nyakera, the Samara Housing Project stands out as a major initiative that thrust him into the limelight.
The project launched in Kiambu County in 2020, marked a turning point in Irungu Nyakera’s career, thrusting him into the public eye.
Advertised as a premier luxurious-low-cost housing initiative, it was promoted by the State Department for Housing and Urban Development under Principal Secretary Charles Hinga, alongside notable government officials and local developers.
The project aimed to offer two and three-bedroom apartments at competitive prices of KSh 2.95 million and KSh 3.95 million, respectively, attracting numerous hopeful investors but the promise of affordable housing quickly faded as construction stalled and left many victims in disarray.
Investors deposited substantial sums, typically 40% of the total cost, to Sycamore Pine Limited, the company led by Nyakera, with the expectation that construction would commence promptly.
When no progress materialized, investors sought refunds through their sales agent, who indicated that they were facing communication difficulties with Nyakera and his firm.
Efforts to reach Nyakera directly were met with empty assurances and unfulfilled promises, leading to frustration and disappointment among the affected families.
This is something we’ve covered before, and if you want to read more into how Irungu Nyakera conned innocent Kenyans out of millions through the Samara Housing Project, you can read all about it here.
And if you think the Samara Housing Project was a cautionary tale, wait until you hear about what Irungu Nyakera is up to now.
He seems to be employing the same tactics in a fresh scam involving plots at Thika Greens.
Frustrated sellers who spoke to us under the request of anonymity shared their experiences.
The sellers detailed that since January they have sold multiple plots on Nyakera’s behalf each valued at Ksh 8 million.
They were promised a commission of 3% on these sales, which was to be paid by August but when the seller inquired about their commission, Nyakera refused to pay, claiming there was no formal agreement regarding commissions.
Despite repeated requests for payment, Nyakera allegedly dismissed the seller, instructing them to leave.
Following this confrontation, the sellers found themselves blocked on all communication platforms.
Attempts to email Nyakera yielded no response.
The seller saved all email correspondence as proof of their claims.
Nyakera later reached out, suggesting the seller could continue working as a freelancer, which the seller interpreted as another attempt to deceive them further.
The seller lamented to us that not only are they unable to recover their promised commission but clients attempting to withdraw their deposits are also being ignored by Nyakera.
This experience has left the seller feeling powerless and exploited, echoing a pattern that seems all too familiar with Nyakera’s dealings.
“Hi Nyakundi. Irungu Nyakera is a con artist. I was telling you about the plots he owns at Thika Greens. I am among the people who have been selling for him. Since January, we have sold many plots for him, with each plot going for 8 million shillings. He was supposed to pay us a 3% commission by August. However, when we asked for our commission, he refused to pay us, claiming we didn’t have a commission agreement. When we insisted on getting my commission, he told us to leave. He has since blocked us everywhere. We email him, but he never responds. I have all our email correspondence. He didn’t provide us with the commission agreement when we started. After I left, he tried to reach out to me via email, asking me to sell for him as a freelancer. It seems he wanted to con me further. I am so frustrated because I have been trying to contact him to recover even half of my commission but he has blocked me and never answers our calls. Even the clients who have been trying to withdraw their deposits have been refused by him. I have brought many clients and have never received any commission.”
Just as in previous incidents, including his days at KEMSA, Irungu Nyakera’s actions demonstrate a troubling pattern of leveraging his influential positions to operate with impunity.
His belief that he is untouchable appears rooted in a history of successfully evading accountability for his misdeeds.
This sense of invulnerability not only emboldens him to exploit vulnerable individuals but also fosters an environment where ethical boundaries are blurred.
By the time he was kicked out of KEMSA in August 2024, Irungu Nyakera’s tenure was marred by multiple scandals that raised alarm among the public and government officials alike.
His actions during this period not only exemplified a blatant disregard for ethical governance but also reflected a concerning trend of manipulation and self-interest that appears to have been a hallmark of his career.
Nyakera was accused of awarding lucrative tenders to companies linked to his political allies, particularly from Murang’a County.
These allegations, which emerged amidst broader concerns regarding systemic corruption and mismanagement within KEMSA, painted a picture of a public servant who prioritized personal gain over the welfare of the institution.
Reports also surfaced indicating that Nyakera had made numerous illegal appointments, hiring individuals into high-paying positions without adhering to established procedures or public advertisements.
This unethical practice exacerbated KEMSA’s financial challenges and compromised its integrity.
Under Nyakera’s leadership, KEMSA faced serious accusations of opaque financial practices, including operating without an approved list of pre-qualified suppliers, which blatantly violated procurement laws.
The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) responded by launching investigations into his dealings, underscoring the gravity of the situation.
Nyakera’s public persona suffered further damage following an incident on July 21, 2022, when he was involved in a highly publicized altercation with his sister over land ownership, which was captured on video and widely circulated.
This incident raised serious questions regarding his personal conduct and further tarnished his already beleaguered reputation.
As investigations into his conduct deepened and public outrage mounted, calls for President William Ruto to remove Nyakera grew increasingly vocal.
The accumulating evidence of corruption and mismanagement at KEMSA fueled demands for accountability, culminating in his official removal from his position as Chairman of KEMSA on August 23, 2024.
Even with the controversies that led to his ousting from KEMSA, Nyakera’s extensive political connections and adeptness at leveraging them allowed him to secure the chairmanship at the KICC, exemplifying the pervasive influence of political patronage in Kenya.
His apparent belief in his invulnerability and the power he wields serves as a cautionary tale.
Power is transient. It can shift in an instant.
As we keep uncovering the layers of deceit and manipulation defining Nyakera’s dealings, we will continue amplifying the voices of victims and hold him accountable for his actions.
The High Court has granted conservatory orders to suspend a Ksh 95.6 billion project agreement between the Kenya Electricity Transmission Company (KETRACO) and Adani Energy Solutions Limited.
High Court issues conservatory orders stopping KETRACO and Adani Energy deal
This decision came in response to a petition filed by the Law Society of Kenya, which raised issues related to the agreement’s transparency and public involvement.
The ruling was delivered by Hon. Bahati Mwamuye at the Milimani High Court during a session held in chambers.
The court addressed a Certificate of Urgency and a Notice of Motion Application dated October 23, 2024, along with a supporting affidavit from Florence Muturi, the Chief Executive Officer of the Law Society of Kenya.
The petition, also dated October 23, challenges the legality of the project agreement that involves the leasing of strategic national electricity infrastructure for a duration of 30 years.
In its application, the petitioner described the agreement as a “constitutional sham” that lacks the principles of transparency, openness, and accountability.
The petitioners criticized KETRACO and Adani Energy Solutions for failing to conduct adequate public participation and proper due diligence, which they argue contravenes constitutional requirements and the provisions outlined in the Public Private Partnerships Act.
At the interlocutory stage, the petitioners expressed urgency in halting the implementation of the project to safeguard the public interest.
They asserted that the project could adversely impact the national electricity transmission system and that it is crucial to preserve the case’s essence while awaiting a thorough judicial review.
Upon preliminary assessment of the presented materials and arguments, the court found that the petitioners met the legal threshold for granting the requested conservatory orders.
The court issued the following directives:
The court ordered the suspension of any project agreement between KETRACO and Adani Energy Solutions or any associated companies related to the development of transmission lines, substations, or any electrical power infrastructure, pending further hearings.
The court restricted the respondents from entering into new agreements or advancing existing ones related to the project during this interim period.
The petitioner must serve the application, petition, and court orders to the respondents by the end of the business day and file an affidavit confirming service.
The respondents are required to file and serve their responses to the application and petition by November 1, 2024.
The petitioner is allowed to file and serve a rejoinder, if necessary, by November 8, 2024.
All parties involved must submit physical copies of their filings to the court.
A mention of the matter is scheduled for November 11, 2024, at 11:00 AM, where the court will confirm compliance and provide further instructions regarding the expedited hearing of the application and petition.
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